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Ethnic Pride
A Sermon Given
by Roger Fritts
on May 19, 2002
at Cedar Lane Unitarian Universalist Church
Bethesda, Maryland
In 1989, after the Berlin Wall came down, Norman
Cousins, the former editor of the Saturday Review and one of the
founders of a Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, spoke at the
Unitarian Church, where I was serving as minister. I remember he said to
us: "I cannot imagine a better time. I want to congratulate all of you
for being alive at this particular time. Think of the countless
generations of human beings who have not had the thrill that we have had
this past year, seeing history turn in the right direction in such
momentous ways."
The euphoria was brief. It is hard now to remember the optimism
people felt for a short time following the end of the Cold War. We soon
discovered that the battle between the United States and the Soviet
Union had held in check the differences among ethnic groups. For forty
years no ethnic conflict had been allowed to get out of hand, for fear
that it would trigger a nuclear holocaust.
All that has changed. In the last 13 years over a million people have
been killed in ethnic wars. We have seen ethnic killing in Afghanistan,
Algeria, Angola, the Balkans, Burundi, Cambodia, Chechnya, India,
Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, the Philippines, Rwanda, Somalia, Sri
Lanka, Sudan, and Turkey.
I believe that ethnic pride can be good. I think it can be very
healthy for individuals in ethnic groups to take pride in their food, in
their religious practices, in their language, in their a common
ancestry, and in their place of origin. Besides, ethnic diversity of
America makes life more interesting.
I like Irish storytelling.
I like the African respect for the elderly.
I like the American Indian belief in harmony with nature.
I like the network of the Mexican extended family.
I like German craftsmanship.
I like the Greek pride in individual achievement.
I liked the beauty of rugs from Iran.
I like the Italian ability to experience enjoyment by
celebrating, loving, and eating.
I like the way Jews are able to express feelings.
I like Japanese flower arranging.
I like Chinese food.
I like tea from India.
I like British rock music.
We have basic human need to have a sense of ethnic roots. Human
beings have always gathered in emotionally connected, large groups
called tribes or clans or ethnic groups.
On the other hand the ethnic conflicts of the past few years have
been horrible. For example, in 1993 the International Committee of the
Red Cross and Red Crescent described the Armenian-Azerbaijani war this
way:
There has been and a complete lack of the knowledge of international
humanitarian law among the combatants. The conflict has included
violations law of war of the most gruesome kind. These have included
mass killings of the unarmed civilians, hostage-taking, bargaining in
dead bodies, attacks on populated areas where there are no military
targets, orders to execute captured prisoners and ethnic cleansing.
There are many who have been trying to find ways to end these
terrible ethnic conflicts. One example is a Professor of Psychiatry at
the University of Virginia, Dr. Vamik Volkan. This week I read a book
called Bloodlines, From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism by Dr.
Volkan.
This professor believes that the ethnic violence we see today is
often the result of unresolved grief. Under normal conditions, with the
passage of time, individuals mourn losses of people, of land, and of
prestige. Individuals work through their feelings of fear, helplessness,
and humiliation. Under normal conditions people gradually accept that a
change has occurred.
Like individuals, ethnic groups also mourn. Members of a group who
share the same loss, collectively experience shock, denial, anger, and
sadness in the months after a loss. Gradually in normal grieving, groups
of people, like individuals are able to convert the loss into a memory
that no longer dominates the life of the ethnic group. However,sometimes
ethnic groups, like individuals are unable to let go of the past and
move on. They remain preoccupied with loss. Year after year, generation
after generation, they stay in a perpetual state of grief.
One example is in the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s. In December of
1994 former President Jimmy Carter went to Bosnia-Herzegovina hoping to
help stop the bloodshed and obtain an agreement from the Bosnian Muslims
and Bosnian Serbs to return to the negotiation table. As soon as Carter
and his group sat down the Serbs began to explain the victimization that
had begun more than six hundred years ago, after the Battle of Kosovo in
1389. In a meeting in 1994 about current pressing issues, the memory of
events from 1389 were prevalent.
No eyewitness reports exist that describe the battle of Kosovo over
six hundred years ago. According to stories passed down by generations,
the battle was between the Serbs and an invading Turkish army. Both the
Turkish leader, Sultan Murat and the Serb leader Prince Lazar were
killed in the battle. After the death of the Turkish Sultan his army
retreated to a place near Constantinople.
Six hundred years ago Prince Lazar was canonized and his body placed
in a Serbian monastery. Seventy years later the Ottoman Turks returned
to captured Serbia. Despite a gap of seventy years, a popular belief
gradually developed that equated the 1389 battle and the loss of of
Serbia to the Turks. The Serbs have never gotten over the loss. From
generation to generation the story of the battle was passed down giving
Serbs a sense of a shared, unresolved grief.
In 1989, the six hundredth anniversary of the battle of Kosovo, a
communist party leader named Slobdan Milosevic had Prince Lazar’s
remains placed in a coffin and taken on tour to every Serb village and
town. The coffin was received by huge crowds of mourners dressed in
black. Milosevic also ordered a huge monument built on a hill
overlooking the Kosovo battlefield. Made of red stone symbolizing blood,
it stands one hundred feet tall. Serbian red wines were sold with
pictures of Prince Lazar and his wife on the bottles. Symbolically their
blood was consumed by the population.
At the meeting with President Carter in 1994 the Serb leaders spoke
at length about the battle of Kosovo. They spoke about Serbian
victimization, and about their sense of responsibility to protect their
people. The American delegation listened, allowing the Serbs to express
their emotions concerning an old memory. In a way the American
delegation served as grief counselors, listening to the unresolved
feelings of loss, unresolved feelings that had been handed down for six
centuries.
Perhaps because the former United States President was willing to sit
and listen to the story about a battle that took place in 1389 Mr.
Carter succeeded in obtaining a four-month cease-fire and an agreement
to resume peace talks. Of course, it was not a perfect result. After the
cease-fire ended, thousands of Moslem males were murdered by the Serbs
in the summer of 1995. Finally, in the fall of 1995 a peace agreement
was reached. Of course, another terrible war broke out over Kosovo in
the spring of 1999, resulting in thousands of deaths. The United States
participated in fighting the Serbs, although only a handful of Americans
knew anything about the history of the area or about the cause of the
conflict. The 1999 war end after the Russia President told Milosevic to
withdraw from Kosovo. Today Milosevic is in the Netherlands awaiting
trial for war crimes.
Dr. Volkan believes that this terrible violence is the result of an
unresolved grief. Many Serbs are still carrying the feelings of fear,
helplessness, and humiliation of their ancestors. He suggests that to
end the ethnic violence we need to help ethnic groups work through their
loss and accept that it is time to let go of the past griefs.
These days of course the ethnic conflict that is most on our minds is
that between the Palestine and Israeli people. One attempt to help heal
the differences between these two ethnic groups was a series of
dialogues a few years ago between Arab and Israeli leaders. The meetings
were sponsored by the American Psychiatric Association.
During the first meeting, the participants remained aloof toward one
another. Each listed their historical grievances competing to see who
had suffered more. Jews and Arabs interrupted one another, refusing even
to listen to the other side. Emotions pertaining to recent injuries or
humiliating events activated memories of other such incidents from the
past.
Although they often occurred many years ago, the traumatic events
that Jews and Arabs described at the meetings sounded as if they had
occurred only a day before. The feelings about them were so fresh it was
clear that Jews and Arabs had not gone through a genuine mourning for
the losses associated with these events. Jews and Arabs acted as if they
themselves had witnessed the events, even though some had taken place
before they were born.
Neither side was able to identify with the suffering of the other
side. The Arabs were only concerned with their own pain. The Jews were
only concerned with their helplessness and losses. Participants of both
ethnic groups remained self-centered and focused on prior experiences.
For three days the American psychiatrists tried to intervene to stop
the flow of grievance listing and the emotional assaults. They were not
successful.
However, on the third day a historian from a Cairo University was
citing the merits of a Palestinian state. A child psychiatrist from
Jerusalem interrupted to ask the Cairo professor how he could convince
her not to fear a Palestinian state. She had been born near Ramallah,
she said. She had experienced times of peace, when nearby Arabs and
Israelis were friends, and times of conflict, when the surrounding
fields were stained with blood. The Egyptian professor’s comments
revived in her old fears. She remember a 1929 Arab attack when a British
force that had promised to protect the inhabitants of her town and had
failed to do so. Transferring past emotions to a present issue, she
wanted to know how the Egyptian could quell her fears. The Egyptian
answered, "I do not believe that you Israelis are afraid; Israelis are
never afraid."
The Jerusalem psychiatrist was appalled by this response from the
Egyptian University Professor. The exchange quickly ended the meeting
for that day.
The next morning, before the same small group, The Egyptian professor
asked for permission to speak. He said that he had not slept the night
before, thinking about what had happened. Instead he had lain awake
grappling with whether he could trust this Jewish woman and whether
Israelis were as fearless as he had long believed. He had decided to
consult the Qur’an. There he had found three passages that spoke of
Moses’ fear. He read these passages to the group in Arabic and in
English. He then spoke directly to the Jewish woman, "I never thought
that Moses was afraid. But now I know that since Moses was afraid, you
can be, too. So I believe you."
The Egyptian’s insistence that Jews did not have fear was an
indication of his belief that Israelis, unlike Egyptians, lacked
emotions; they were nonhuman. As a result of coming face-to-face with
his enemy and discovering in himself some unexpected empathy for a
Jewish woman, he consulted his Qur’an for help. Then he experienced the
connection between emotional experience and intellectual understanding
that humanized the Israelis. In acknowledging their human identity the
Egyptian also had to acknowledge that they had a grievance, and they had
the negative emotions pertaining to that grievance.
This spontaneous interaction between an Egyptian man and an Israeli
woman was the turning point in the meeting. The recognition that all of
them shared the emotion of fear spread to the rest of the participants.
Individuals in each group had their memories of past grievances.
However, they found they could hold on to their group identities, their
past grievances, even while having empathy for the other group. Once
both groups came to this realization, the mutual recognition of each
other’s suffering and fear created a positive atmosphere for the
discussions.
The shift occurred, when after three days, one member of the Jewish
delegation, talked about her feelings. She talked about her fear. A
member of the Egyptian delegation heard her fear, and acknowledge that
he had heard it.
Grief often does cause anger. In my own ministry I have seen people
who are normally calm and rational, become enraged and irrational as
they struggle with grief and loss. Grief is not the only cause of anger,
but it certainly is a major cause. In my experience, most of the time,
as the months and years pass we accept our losses and move on with our
lives. Time heals most of our feelings of fear, anger, and sadness. Most
of the time we do not expect our children or our grandchildren to carry
on our feelings of grief, fear and anger.
However, some individuals and some ethnic groups do not heal. They
are not able to accept their losses and move on. They continue to feel
fear and anger. It is difficult for us to help individuals who are
unable to overcome the grief and the loss they feel.
It is even more difficult to intervene and help entire ethnic groups
who are unable to move beyond their anger about their loss. Still, if
ethnic violence is to end, somehow, at some point, ethnic groups must be
able to accept that the past is the past and it is time to move on.
Is there any hope? I believe there is. At the risk of sound
ethnocentric, I believe that with all its faults, a solution to ethnic
violence can be found in the example set by the United States. Here
people from ethnic groups all over the world have let go of past
grievances and come to live peacefully with each other.
Here we have a free press, religious liberty, an independent court,
universal suffrage, equal opportunity, individual choice, freedom of
speech, minority rights, openness to innovation, and people who are
dedicating their lives to trying to find ways to end ethnic violence.
In a book called The Disuniting of America Arthur Schlesinger
Jr wrote:
In a world savagely rent by ethnic, racial and religious
antagonisms, it is all the more essential that the United States
continue as an example of how a highly differentiated society holds
itself together.
In 1989 when the Chinese students marched for democracy they did not
carry portraits of Confucius or Buddha, but a model of the Statue of
Liberty. With all our faults we remain an example to the world.
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